In my last post….
…I asserted that John
Thorpe, the young ogre of Northanger
Abbey, was actually a spot-on, multi-faceted but veiled representation of
Samuel Johnson, who was the common denominator behind the following seemingly
unrelated eight Austenian data points:
ONE: A joke in a Jane
Austen letter JA wrote shortly after finishing Susan (the literary ancestor of Northanger
Abbey), attributing authorship of a novel JA knew very well to the wrong
author.
TWO: John Thorpe's complaint about "an old man playing at seesaw" in Fanny Burney's Camilla.
THREE: John Thorpe's expressing a strong opinion about Henry Fielding's Tom Jones.
FOUR: John Thorpe's taking Catherine out for a very fast ride in his carriage, and boasting about his speed.
FIVE: John Thorpe's manic logorrhea (intense verbosity and strange vocalizations).
SIX: The footnote to Northanger Abbey.
SEVEN: Henry Austen's Biographical Notice published as the intro to the First Edition of NA and Persuasion.
EIGHT: The Prince of Whales answer to the second charade in Emma.
TWO: John Thorpe's complaint about "an old man playing at seesaw" in Fanny Burney's Camilla.
THREE: John Thorpe's expressing a strong opinion about Henry Fielding's Tom Jones.
FOUR: John Thorpe's taking Catherine out for a very fast ride in his carriage, and boasting about his speed.
FIVE: John Thorpe's manic logorrhea (intense verbosity and strange vocalizations).
SIX: The footnote to Northanger Abbey.
SEVEN: Henry Austen's Biographical Notice published as the intro to the First Edition of NA and Persuasion.
EIGHT: The Prince of Whales answer to the second charade in Emma.
Rather than try to squeeze
all my evidence in support of all of those eight data points as to Thorpe as
Johnson into one post, I will serialize my presentation, choosing one or two
subtopics for each post, until I am done (thanks, Diane, for leading me to that
approach!).
This post will therefore
only cover the above Points Five and Seven, which, it turns out, is not short,
but mostly because of several relevant quotations which back up my claims. But please
keep in mind, the ultimate validity of my overall claim rests on the synergistic
probative value of all of the above interconnected Data Points combined, not
just one or two. They are all closely interrelated, and mutually supportive.
Data Point SEVEN: Henry
Austen's Biographical Notice published as intro to NA & Persuasion includes this sentence: “Her reading
was very extensive in history and belles lettres; and her memory extremely
tenacious. Her favourite moral writers were Johnson in prose, and Cowper in
verse.”
I am now convinced that Henry Austen wrote Johnson into the above sentence, not because this was a true statement, but because Henry understood that John Thorpe was a representation of Samuel Johnson. That understanding must have created quite a dilemma for Henry.
Henry was Mr. Expediency,
and wanted more than anything to get Northanger
Abbey and Persuasion published
soon after Jane’s death. There was money to be made here, and a big shot in the
arm to the Austen literary brand overall. But if John Thorpe was “outed” as a
mean-spirited parody of Samuel Johnson, that could damage the brand. Something
had to be done, but what? The character of Thorpe could not simply be left on
the printshop floor. John Thorpe was no minor character in NA by any means--he
grabs hold of the stage whenever he is on it, which is in several different chapters,
his interaction with the heroine is central to the action while he’s “onstage”,
and on top of all that, he is one of the darkest characters to be found in any
JA novel, and therefore memorable.
Even worse, the parody of
Samuel Johnson subtext is not a one-shot deal, either, it is all over the place
in the characterization of Thorpe, as this series of posts will eventually cover
all of them. Therefore, Thorpe-as-Johnson was a tumor which was dangerous while
left in the “body” of the novel, and yet it could not be surgically removed
from the novel without immediately killing the patient. He is essential to the
vitality of Northanger Abbey.
What to do, then, with
Henry’s worry that an alert, sensitive, and literarily sophisticated reader of
NA might spot this not very flattering allusion to Johnson (and, for that
matter, the other, many unflattering allusions to real persons, both famous and
Austen-familial, scattered throughout NA and all of the previously published
novels)? And if such a “whale” were spotted in NA, then the commentator might
just blow the proverbial whistle---“Thar she blows! Crazed, unsexed female off the starboard bow
just rose from the grave like St. Swithin and attacked a defenseless male
literary whale!”. You get my Mobyish drift.
This sort of hostile
reaction, especially from an influential critic writing in the Critical Review,
the Gentlemen’s Magazine, or the like, could’ve spelled doom for sales of NA
and Persuasion, as well as hoped-for
new editions of the 4 other novels.
The idea that JA might have skewered Samuel Johnson, in a thinly veiled parody which
(as I will detail below re Point Five) even included a very sharp-edged
ridicule of Johnson’s involuntary disabilities, would not play well among such
readers, especially when connected to Persuasion’s
Anne Elliot’s famous critique of history having been written entirely by
men.
If this was what giving
the pen to a woman meant (the same male pens which skewered Mary Wollstonecraft’s
reputation after her death would write), then we all better make sure to keep
the pen away from such female rebels for another few centuries, and maybe burn
all existing copies of Jane Austen’s novels, like Sir Thomas did to all the
copies of Lover’s Vows, just to be
sure.
So I see Henry as he gets
ready to publish in 1818, as torn between two unacceptable choices. He’s got to
do something. So, in effect he threaded the needle, and (as it turns out
famously and successfully) convinced the world, based on no proof whatsoever
(other than JA’s two very cryptic, playful references to “Dr. Johnson” in her
letters), that Samuel Johnson was JA’s favorite moral writer in prose. It was a
brilliant stroke, because there was nothing obvious in JA’s writing to make it
sound like protesting too much. And yet, it would plant a seed that would make
it much more likely that a reader who did
smell the allusion would just say, “It must be my own overactive
imagination”, i.e., the very evil that NA was supposed to be a cure for.
Brilliant strategy, I have to grudgingly give to Henry, even as I hate the
obfuscation he achieved.
That Henry was successful
is borne out by the dozens and dozens of scholarly citations of that single
sentence by generations of Austen scholars who simply take it as a given,
because, basically, Henry Austen said so, and why would he lie about that? Henry’s strategy worked so well, for 196
years, in fact, that it seems I, in 2014, am the first to make this claim that
JOHN Thorpe is Samuel JOHNson (or should I say is, metaphorically speaking
“Johnson’s son”?)
And now that sets the
stage for the first of my evidentiary sections…
Data Point FIVE: John
Thorpe's manic logorrhea and vocalizations (intense verbosity and strange sound-making).
As a result of the
universal popularity of Boswell’s 1791 Life
of Johnson, many knowledgeable Regency Era English readers were aware that
Johnson had, throughout his entire life (died 1784) suffered from intense,
multiple involuntary abnormalities in both his body movements and
vocalizations. Several modern articles
and book chapters have attempted to diagnose Johnson’s condition, attributing
varied medical causes thereto. The most recent, Sara Landreth’s “Breaking the
Laws of Motion: Pneumatology and Belles
Lettres in Eighteenth-Century Britain”, New
Literary History, Volume 43, #2
(Spring 2012), summarized Johnson’s condition thusly:
“…Johnson, perhaps more
than any other writer of his age, wrestled with involuntary motion in his
everyday life. Shortly after his death in 1784, an anonymous obituary fondly
described Johnson’s erratic gait as a kind of perambulatory automatism: “When
he walked the streets, what with the constant roll of his head, and the concomitant
motion of his body, he appeared to make his way by that
motion, independent of his feet.” Johnson suffered from
what Boswell called a “convulsive . . . distemper”—a disorder similar to
Tourette’s Syndrome—that caused involuntary “motions and tricks”: “While
talking or even musing as he sat in his chair, he commonly . . . shook [his
head] in a tremulous manner, moving his body backwards and forwards.” END QUOTE
After reading the above, alert
readers among you may already have guessed that one of my followup posts will
connect the above description of Johnson’s “backwards and forwards” rocking
physical movements with the “old man playing at SEESAW” comment by Thorpe which
I flagged in point TWO, above. But that connection is for my next post-- today
I want to focus on Johnson’s vocalizations. Why? Because of the eerie
similarity between Johnson’s famous verbal tics and oddities and John Thorpe’s!
First, here is the famous
description by Boswell which I discussed in my post earlier this week about why
Jane Austen would have seen Johnson as a “Prince of Whales”:
‘In the intervals of
articulating he made various sounds with his mouth, sometimes as if ruminating,
or what is called chewing the cud, sometimes giving a half whistle, sometimes making
his tongue play backwards from the roof of his mouth, as if clucking like a
hen, and sometimes protruding it against his upper gums in front, as if
pronouncing quickly under his breath too, too, too: all this accompanied
sometimes with a thoughtful look, but more frequently with a smile. Generally
when he had concluded a period, in the course of a dispute, by which time he
was a good deal exhausted by violence and vociferation, he used to blow out his
breath like a whale.' “ “END QUOTE”
And now please also read
this passage from ”Samuel Johnson’s Tics and Gesticulations” by Lawrence C. McHenry, Jr., Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences,
Vol. 22 #2 (1967) ppg. 152-68:
“Along with the spasmodic
movements or gesticulations, the afflicted are liable to involuntary explosive
utterance, in which case there is an irresistible urge to repeat sounds
(echolalia), words, or phrases. Obscene words are sometimes emitted
(coprolalia), but Johnson objected to obscene words and did not use them. These
vocalizations are the outward verbal manifestations of inner psychic conflicts
and obsessions. Boswell said that Johnson’s talking to himself was indeed one
of his singularities. “ END QUOTE
And now, keep those
descriptions of Johnson in mind as you read this wonderful description of John
Thorpe’s speech patterns, in “The Idiolects of the Idiots” by Jeffrey Herrle in
The Talk in Jane Austen (2002), at ppg.
239-40:
“Notably, Austen’s
narrator conveys the rhythm and sound of Thorpe’s manner of speaking here as
well as what he says. His ‘discourse now sunk from its hitherto animated pitch,
to nothing more than a short decisive sentence of praise or condemnation on the
face of every woman they met”. We get a sense that Thorpe almost speaks like
the animals with which he so enjoys spending time—he yelps, squeals, and
whinnies wildly when he is excited, and barks and snorts at strangers. If he is
like a horse, however, he is hardly one of Swift’s Houyhnhnms in Gulliver’s
Travels. He seems much more like a Yahoo.
Not surprisingly,
Catherine encounters similar discourse, both in substance and in delivery,
again and again. If anything, Thorpe’s speech degenerates upon further
acquaintance….Catherine’s assertion of her brother’s sobriety provokes “a loud
and overpowering reply, of which no part was very distinct, except the frequent
exclamations, amounting almost to oaths, which adorned it.” When Catherine
suggests that her brother does not have a horse and gig of his own…Thorpe “said
something in the loud, incoherent way to which he had often recourse, about its
being a d- thing to be miserly; …which Catherine did not even endeavor to
understand.”
Thorpe’s departure from
civilized discourse to a series of primordial grunts reaches its lowest point
when he forces her, against her will, to go to Clifton. The credibility of his
talk has by now been tarnished by his continual boasting and curt attacks on
everyone else, as we as his lies about Blaize Castle and his lies to the
Tilneys about Catherine’s plans. Now, however, we finally see that behind the ‘rattle’
there is something more ominous and brutal. This is, of course, already suggested
with his lies and swearing—moral and social offences which clearly mark him as
a menace in Austen’s world. But what happens in the carriage on the way to
Clifton is nothing short of a figurative rape…”…But Mr. Thorpe only laughed,
smacked his whip, encouraged his horse, made odd noises, and drove on;” I continue to find this scene the most disturbing
in Austen’s work. It does however forcefully emphasize how Thorpe’s moral
bankruptcy, lack of empathy, and sheer brutality manifests itself in his
utterances and noises….” END QUOTE
And there’s even more on
this point, which I only became aware of yesterday, something so amazing and validating of my claim of
Thorpe as Johnson, that I am still shaking my head about it. Turns out that the
door was actually wide open for Austen scholars to walk through and notice
Thorpe as Samuel Johnson, had they only been up to speed on the Jane Austen
Code.
Specifically, there is a
true textual smoking gun connecting John Thorpe with Samuel Johnson, in regard
to their peculiarly similar ways of speaking, a clue which JA subtly hid in
plain sight in Northanger Abbey, which
had “Samuel Johnson” written all over it!
I first became aware of
this clue yesterday when I came across Phyllis Bottomer’s article is in Persuasions Online Vol. 31 (2010) entitled “Conversation, or rather
talk”: Autistic Spectrum Disorders and the Communication and Social Challenges
of John Thorpe”. Phyllis, whom I first
met at the Chawton House Austen “Woodstock” in July 2009, has made a very
recognizable name for herself in Austen critical circles during the past 5
years with her controversial claims that various characters in JA’ s novels,
mostly famously Mr. Darcy and Mr. Collins, were JA’s finely observed, clinical
depictions of actual physical conditions which we refer to today as being on
the autistic spectrum. Phyllis is also one of the Austen scholars whom Deborah
Yaffe portrayed in Among the Janeites,
where I was honored to be portrayed as well.
So what was it I saw in
Bottomer’s article that points to Samuel Johnson?—it actually is right there in
her article title “Conversation, or rather talk”, which she goes on to explain
as follows in her very first paragraph:
“[A]ll the rest of [Thorpe’s]
conversation, or rather talk, began and ended with himself and his own
concerns.” (Northanger Abbey 66).
Samuel Johnson noted this
crucial distinction when he described an evening by saying, “we had talk
enough, but no conversation; there was nothing discussed”
(Boswell 333). “
What Bottomer did not
realize, however, was that this parallel was not a mere coincidence that would
make a nice opening epigram for her article, but that JA had deliberately almost (but not quite) literally quoted that
very same, famous epigram of Johnson’s in Catherine’s narrated thoughts about
John Thorpe!
And why would JA virtually
quote Samuel Johnson’s famous dictum about the difference between real conversation,
and mere talk? In the context of the above eight Data Points all pointing to
John Thorpe as Samuel Johnson, that “setting casts a different shade” on this
veiled quotation, and makes it clear that this is an ironic allusion to Johnson. I.e., it is classic Austenian irony of
reversal of expectation, that the very character in NA who represents Samuel
Johnson, advocate for real conversation and not mere talk, is the very
character who best illustrates the absence of true conversation— Jane Austen
was in effect saying about Samuel Johnson that he talked the talk, so to speak,
but did not walk the walk. And that cliché
just happens to fit perfectly with the very real and very famous difficulties
that Samuel Johnson had with both talking and walking, as my earlier quotations
illustrated!
And I also went back to
Herrle’s article and saw that he had, in 2002, been eight years ahead of
Bottomer in flagging, without really understanding the significance of, that
veiled quotation of Johnson by JA’s narrator describing Thorpe. Here’s how
Herrle put it then:
“Samuel Johnson, JA’s
favourite moralist, once remarked that ideal conversations are ones in which
‘there is no competition, no vanity, but a calm quiet interchange of
sentiments’ (Boswell 623). There is, of course, much evidence to suggest that
JA inherited this ideal of conversation. We get an inkling of this when
Austen’s narrator in NA remarks that Mrs. Allen spent most of the day ‘ by the
side of Mrs. Thorpe, in what they call conversation, but in which there was
scarcely ever any exchange of opinion, and not often any resemblance of
subject.’..it becomes readily apparent why Austen’s heroines find Thorpe and Collins
so unsavoury. Too self serving and egotistical to listen sympathetically to
others and to exchange ideas, Thorpe and Collins exhort, denounce, and proclaim
their own personal enthusiasms and desires, but never converse. Austen herself
makes the distinction between talk and conversation with Thorpe, remarking that
‘all the rest of his conversation, or rather talk, began and ended with himself
and his own concerns’ . …”
So it seems that Herrle
was the first to experience a Trojan Horse Moment about that same veiled
quotation, as he, like Bottomer, just could not imagine that JA would allude in
so sly and outrageous a manner, JA was content to create a subliminal echo, and
leave it to the few to realize that this was more, and that it was, arguably,
the most telling textual hint in all of NA
of John Thorpe as Samuel Johnson.
And again, it’s so ironic,
because in effect, JA has her wise young heroine perceive a young Samuel
Johnson as doing exactly the opposite of what the real Samuel Johnson purported
to advocate for. I.e., this was exactly the sort of unconscious hypocrisy that
JA exposed everywhere in her novels, but I am gratified to see that my sense of
JA doing this with Samuel Johnson has now been so dramatically vindicated.
So in conclusion, I say
that the above is very strong evidence that Samuel Johnson’s symptoms, which
Landreth’s article makes me think was likely Tourette’s rather than Asperger’s,
but in the end, that call is less significant than that what syndrome afflicted,
indeed tormented, Samuel Johnson, Jane Austen chose to mimic it in the character
of John Thorpe. And will now wrap up
this post by directing those of you wishing for more detail to Herrle’s and Bottomer’s
articles if you want to read some more interesting analysis of John Thorpe’s
verbal behavior, and to Landreth and McHenry’s articles, for more good stuff
about Johnson’s verbalizations.
I’ll be back in a day or
two with the next post in this series, which will cover the Fanny Burney
connection to all of this, which will cover Data Points ONE and TWO!
Cheers, ARNIE
@JaneAustenCode on Twitter
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